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Sample Entry - Colombia
Colombia is located in the northwestern corner of South America,
and has extensive Caribbean and Pacific coastlines. A so-called
‘country of regions,’ its historical geography is central to its
popular music. The central Andean region, focus of population and
industry, is split into three mountain ranges by the Cauca and Magdalena
rivers which divide hot valleys from cold paramos (high plateaus).
This region was the main center of Spanish settlement; it is home
to the capital Bogotá and the major cities of Medellín and Cali and
is politically and culturally dominant. Late nineteenth-century
nationalism exalted its melodic strings-based music as quintessentially
Colombian. In the twentieth century, this glorification was contested
by music from the tropical Caribbean coastal region (comprising the
littoral (the coast) and its deep hinterlands, which are based on
agriculture, stock raising, and some manufacturing and extractive
industries). The region has several cities and a mostly urban population,
and its integration into global networks of cultural exchange gave it an
edge over the Andean interior in the race toward ‘modernity,’ both economic
and musical.
The hot, humid Pacific coastal region, west of the Andean Cordilleras
(mountain ranges), heavily forested, little urbanized and inhabited mainly
by Afro-Colombians and indigenous peoples, remains infrastructurally
underdeveloped, and its heavily African-influenced music has been less
significant in the development of Colombian popular music, despite its
richness of rhythms and dances. East of the Andean region, the llanos
(plains) and Amazonian rain forests, dedicated to cattle raising and
colonization, have contributed the guitar and harp-based joropo style,
identified as much with neighboring Venezuelan as with Colombian popular
music.
With independence in 1819, Colombia inherited a Hispanic legacy which valued
Spanish language, Catholic religion, European culture and racial whiteness.
From early colonial times, Spanish, African and indigenous peoples had mixed
to produce a majority of mestizo (people of mixed blood), but the white/mestizo
Andean interior had a dominant position over the ‘blacker’ coastal
regions, where African slave labor had been important. Indigenous peoples
were largely Hispanicized, although in the 1990s indigenous languages and
cultures were still vibrantly present in the Pacific, llanos and Amazon
regions and in some rural Andean areas. African languages became submerged,
with only one very localized creole language persisting. By 1993, the
indigenous population made up about 2 percent of the total population of
some 33 million. Afro-Colombians have been estimated at between 4 and 20
percent of the population, whites at about 20 percent, the remainder being
mestizos.
From independence, urban Europeanized elites dominated the emerging nation
and a very unequal society emerged, based on agriculture (especially coffee,
from the late nineteenth century), natural resource extraction and, in the
twentieth century, industry and drug-trafficking. During the nineteenth
century, transport was very slow, and the country remained regionally
divided, with frequent regional political conflicts. This not only fed into
the violence rooted in the inequality of the expanding economy (which
developed into state--guerrilla conflicts from the 1950s), but also
consolidated regional cultures, with different musical traditions. From the
1920s, communications slowly improved, and the migration of people, ideas and
musical styles became more fluid, nationally and internationally. This was
spurred partly by immigration into the major cities -- particularly
Barranquilla on the Caribbean coast -- from Europe, North America and the
Caribbean.
The traditions that shaped Colombian music derived from native American,
African and European styles, with the latter forming the dominant context.
Apart from the traditional music of indigenous groups and of the Afro-
Colombian people of Palenque (a village in the Caribbean coastal region)
who speak a creole language (palenquero; see Schwegler 1996), all folk
and popular music use Spanish for lyrics. The indigenous influence on
musical styles has generally been rather less than the African influence
which, as in the Caribbean, has been central to the development of dance
music in the twentieth century.
Urban Popular Music in the Nineteenth Century
In urban areas during the nineteenth century, the older Hispanic styles of
couplets, verses and romances (lyrical poems), sung to the accompaniment of
stringed instruments, gradually lost ground to European music, including
light operatic pieces and other songs popular in Europe. These often
circulated among the Colombian middle and upper classes in sheet music
form with arrangements for voice and piano, although the six-string guitar
was also used. Equally, dances originating in Europe, such as the waltz,
contradanza, polka and mazurka, were popular in urban areas, played in the
salons of the well-to-do on piano and stringed instruments. Influential in
the popularity of these new styles were the immigrant merchants, explorers
and technicians who increasingly came to Colombia -- often to the Caribbean
coastal region -- looking for commercial opportunities in the new Republic.
These European forms were sometimes ‘creolized’ to produce new forms, such
as the pasillo, a form of waltz popular in Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador
(Riedel 1986).
Regional variation in this sort of music was not very marked, but there
were also urbanized versions of more regional rural styles. In the Andean
interior, for example, these were based on stringed instruments: guitars,
tiples (treble guitars) and bandolas (mandolins); with these, bambuco, a
dance song in 3/4 or 6/8 meter in moderately quick tempo with a syncopated
rhythm and a duet of male voices singing in parallel thirds, became popular
in Bogotá and other cities of the interior from the mid-nineteenth century
(Restrepo Duque 1988, 529). In contrast, in the Caribbean coastal region,
rural and indeed plebeian urban styles (usually labeled fandango or currulao
in contemporary sources) showed a strong African influence and were based on
drums, indigenous and African cane flutes, plus rattles and scrapers; this
influenced the emergence of styles such as cumbia and porro in the late
nineteenth century. (Although cumbia is usually assumed to be an ‘old’ genre,
the name itself does not appear in documentary sources until the late 1800s.)
Equally important in urban areas were the brass bands, of military origin,
which became increasingly popular from the early nineteenth century. With
instruments imported from Europe, these bands played marches, waltzes,
polkas and new styles such as the danza (later often called habanera) which
became popular all over the Caribbean and Latin America. Bands played in
middle- and upper-class salons, but also in festivals in small towns, often
sponsored by local elites who paid the musicians and in some cases imported
instruments and sheet music. These bands spread popular European styles into
rural areas, especially those linked into international trade networks, such
as the Caribbean coastal region (Bermúdez et al. 1987, chs. 5--7). The
musicians were generally local part-timers of humble origin, often led and
taught by a trained musician (in some cases an immigrant, perhaps from
Puerto Rico or Cuba). The porous boundary between tutored and untutored
musical production allowed the development of regional styles that combined
elements of European and folk traditions to produce hybrids such as the
porro of the Caribbean coastal region.
The accordion was an important addition to the instrumentation available,
appearing first and most commonly in rural and small-town areas of the
Caribbean coastal region from about the 1880s. Considered a very plebeian
instrument, it was used in town festival contexts, as well as by wandering
minstrel figures, to interpret a variety of verses and songs and probably
to accompany traditional rural lineups.
The Early Commercialization of Popular Music
The early decades of the twentieth century saw the participation of Colombian
musicians in the emerging international recording industry, alongside other
Latin-American musicians. In their Latin-American recording tours, Columbia
and Victor included Colombian artists, and these musicians also journeyed to
New York. Local retail agents of the record companies sometimes acted as
intermediaries in these interactions.
Musical nationalism was in vogue in Colombia, as elsewhere in Latin America,
and the bambuco of the politically and culturally dominant Andean interior
had assumed the mantle of Colombia’s national music. It was integrated into
nationalist art music by conservatory musicians such as Guillermo Uribe
Holguín, but was primarily played in popular contexts by string ensembles
led by such figures as Pedro Morales Pino, Emilio Murillo, Jorge Añez and
Justiniano Rosales. The latter four were among those who traveled to New
York in the years 1910--19 and the 1920s, recording bambucos, pasillos
and other aires colombianos (Colombian tunes). Angel Camacho y Cano was
the first artist from the Caribbean coastal region to record tunes that
bore names derived from regional styles, cumbia and porro. Although certain
‘national’ repertoires existed in the New York-based international Latin-
American music scene, the reality was highly eclectic, and these Colombian
artists also recorded boleros, fox trots and tangos, playing with a variety
of other Latin-American artists.
In Colombian cities at this time, social clubs provided a main venue for
live music for the elites, while cafés, brothels, public bathhouses, bars,
billiard halls and public parks offered live and recorded music to the
middle and working classes. Street festivals were also important, notably
the carnival in Barranquilla, which had become an organized affair since
the late nineteenth century. Cinema, a public event from the second decade
of the twentieth century, also had a significant musical component. The
musical repertoire in Colombia at this time was dominated by North-American,
Cuban, Argentinean and Mexican styles, but also included bambucos and
pasillos. ‘Jazz bands,’ similar to the urban dance orchestras emerging
worldwide, were very popular and, from about 1920, began to form first
in Cartagena and Barranquilla, but also in Cali. Alongside these bands
or orchestras were duos, trios and small groups playing a similarly
eclectic repertoire. Colombia’s Caribbean coastal cities felt most keenly
the impact of Caribbean, European and North-American immigration and
cultural influences: Barranquilla led the field in the rapid modernization
affecting Colombia at the time and in its leanings toward cultural modernism.
The jazz bands mixed orchestral arrangements of local styles into their
international repertoire. In the Caribbean coastal region, porro, gaita,
fandango and cumbia began to appear in the performances and recordings
of urban local orchestras between 1920 and 1940. Central figures in this
process included Lucho Bermúdez, Pacho Galán, José Barros and Antonio María
Peñaloza, all musicians whose musical careers included membership of local
brass bands. In Bogotá, Cali and Medellín, musicians such as Emilio Sierra,
Milciades Garavito and Efraín Orozco played rumba criolla and
bambuco fiestero, ‘hotted up’ and orchestrated versions of bambuco.
From 1929, radio stations emerged from a growing amateur network of
radio enthusiasts picking up broadcasts from the United States, Cuba and
Mexico. The first station was founded in Barranquilla by an electrical
engineer, son of a US immigrant entrepreneur. The stations were generally
limited in broadcasting range, but funded by commercial interests; with
advertising central from the start, they spurred the consumption of popular
music. They played all the major Latin-American popular genres, including
some Colombian genres such as bambuco and porro. In their in-house theaters
(open to the public), they provided a venue for jazz bands (often house
bands), trios and duos, whether national or international. From 1941, a
national state radio existed, focusing on ‘high’ culture, with limited
space for Colombian and international popular styles.
From the mid-1930s, Antonio Fuentes, a Cartagena-born entrepreneur,
radio station owner and musician, dabbled in recordings of local artists;
he founded Discos Fuentes, which acquired its own presses in the early
1940s. The cities of Barranquilla, Medellín and Bogotá soon followed
with Discos Tropical, Sonolux and Discos Vergara. The Caribbean coastal
region’s lead in radio, recording industry and modernism made itself felt
in the rapid conquest by música costeña (Costeño or coastal music) of
Colombian commercial popular music, a process bemoaned by conservative
upper and middle classes in the Andean interior who disparaged the music
as ‘black,’ vulgar and strident (Wade 1998). Nevertheless, the orchestra
of Lucho Bermúdez, among others, played elite clubs in all the major
cities, and his porros (for example, ‘Carmen de Bolívar,’ ca. 1947)
were international hits.
Costeño music also included songs, labeled merengue, son and paseo,
played either on the accordion, often accompanied by a guacharaca
(scraper) and a caja (small drum), or by small guitar groups. Since
the accordion was considered a plebeian instrument, this repertoire
of songs about local people, events and male--female relationships
was popularized in the recording industry mainly through guitarists
Guillermo Buitrago and Julio Bovea. They became nationally known,
often singing the songs of Rafael Escalona, the best-known composer
in this genre. All three men were light-skinned and of non-plebeian
origins. Accordionists such as Pacho Rada, Alejo Durán, Abel Antonio
Villa and Luis E. Martínez, who did record their music but had a much
more local following, were all of peasant origin and were black or
mulatto. By the late 1940s, this style of music became generally
known as vallenato, partly due to the origin of many of its exponents
in the region around the city of Valledupar in the eastern part of the
Caribbean coastal region, and partly due to claims by people such as
Escalona that the music originated there. It attracted attention as
an authentic ‘folkloric’ tradition of the area, and Gabriel García
Márquez, a writer and critic from this region who later won the
Nobel prize for literature, began to write about it in the national
press. There is some dispute about whether vallenato is a ‘traditional’
style that became commercialized or a style that emerged as such with
the commercialization of local artists by the music industry of the
Caribbean coastal region (Gilard 1987, 1993).
The Consolidation of Commercial Popular Music
From the 1950s, Costeño styles were very important to Colombian
popular music, especially dance music. Music from the Andean interior
-- bambucos played by guitar duos (for example, Garzón y Collazos) or
string ensembles (estudiantinas) -- had a declining but significant audience,
usually in the interior itself. In many rural and small-town areas of the
interior, guitar-based styles heavily influenced by, and mixed with, Mexican
ranchera and corrido were very popular. Música llanera, mainly joropos
played on tiplesharps, redolent of the rural cattle-farming life of the
llanos region, also commanded an audience. Much competition also came from
abroad: tangos, boleros, rancheras, corridos and ballads, sometimes performed
by Colombian artists, enjoyed continuing popularity. Tastes were fairly
regionalized, reflected and encouraged by local radio which by then was
widespread. Vallenato, for example, had an almost entirely Costeño, and
mainly rural and small-town, audience.
Costeño styles such as porro and cumbia, however, managed to break through
this regionalism, gaining airtime on local radio outside the Caribbean
coastal region. Costeño music was increasingly played by musicians from
Cali, Medellín and Bogotá -- for example, by Edmundo Arias, whose orchestra
was popular in Cali. Several Venezuelan orchestras (e.g., Los Billo’s
Caracas Boys) specialized in Costeño music and played in Colombia and other
Latin-American countries.
The music industry experienced rapid growth, helped by a protectionist
regime and increasing national industrialization. The populist military
dictatorship of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1954--58) pushed forward
modernization and national integration, including the development of
television. The record companies contracted national and international
artists and made licensing arrangements with foreign companies. Medellín
had become the center of the record industry by the early 1950s -- Discos
Fuentes moved there too -- and most Costeño music, now an important
cultural commodity, was recorded there. From the 1960s, CBS and Philips
began recording activities in Bogotá, and Costeño music was a significant
element.
Lucho Bermúdez and Pacho Galán continued to be very influential, and
Galán developed merecumbé, a fusion of Colombian merengue and cumbia
(e.g., ‘Ay Cosita Linda,’ 1955), as a ‘new’ style. Bermúdez appeared on
the first Colombian television station in 1954. Porro found exponents
in Pedro Laza y sus Pelayeros, which included musicians such as Climaco
Sarmiento and Rufo Garrido; Laza, Sarmiento and Garrido were all
old-timers who found commercial success only after 1950. This orchestra
played in a style similar to that of Bermúdez, but also produced a rougher,
more gutsy sound that recalled more immediately the brass bands of the
Caribbean coastal region. These bands later became better known as
bandas papayeras or bandas pelayeras (the latter named after the town of
San Pelayo, the so-called cradle of porro).
The principal change in Costeño music during the period 1950--70 was
the demise of porro and the rise of cumbia as the generic style that
represented Colombian popular music. The big orchestras were fading by
the mid-1960s and were increasingly being replaced by smaller lineups,
using more electric instruments (guitars, keyboards). Record companies
competed through innovation, and this took various forms. Los Corraleros
de Majagual, from the Discos Fuentes stable, were a varied set of artists
who performed in changing combinations over a period from about 1960 to
the late 1970s. They (or rather Antonio Fuentes) took a scaled-down orchestra
lineup and added an electric bass and the accordion, until then found only
in vallenato groups. The name paseaíto was coined for their music: it was
similar to a paseo, but a little faster and with a simple, strongly marked
beat. They also added an element of brash humor, with tongue-twisting lyrics,
risqué double-entendres, trademark yells and so forth. They were a training
ground for several big names, including Alfredo Gutiérrez and Julio Estrada
(aka Fruko), who later focused mainly on vallenato and salsa respectively.
Aníbal Velásquez also mixed brass instruments with an accordion to interpret
Costeño, Cuban and Mexican music; however, he had greater success in
Venezuela than in Colombia.
Another form of innovation was the emergence of a varied range of smaller
bands that focused on cumbia as a central style. The use of electric
instruments reduced the costs associated with large orchestras and also
followed new trends from abroad. One such band was Los Graduados, made
up mostly of musicians from the interior led by Gustavo Quintero, who
mixed songs inspired by the ‘new wave’ of US rock ’n’ roll with simplified
versions of Costeño classics, using a simple bass line and electric
keyboards. Traditionalists and lovers of the newly popular gritty sound
of salsa disparaged this music as chucu-chucu or raspa, making onomatopoeic
reference to its mechanical beat. This style of cumbia nevertheless enjoyed
widespread popularity as dance music, especially when commercialized by
Venezuelan bands and by Costeño artists in the Discos Fuentes stable,
such as Rodolfo (Aicardí) y su Típica RA7, who had a big hit with the
cumbia ‘La Colegiala’ (1980), and La Sonora Dinamita which re-formed in
the late 1970s after a brief spell in the early sixties. The latter band,
also influenced by salsa, had great success in Mexico, Central America and
South America with hits like ‘A Mover la Colita’ (1986). Mexican bands
also began to play this sort of cumbia, often replete with references
to Colombian place names. Paradoxically, during this time, record companies
also began to show an interest in recording ‘traditional’ cumbia lineups
(e.g., Los Gaiteros de San Jacinto) which were based on drums and cane
flutes, but which often played cumbias written for the more commercial
bands.
Vallenato became a commercial success during the 1970s and 1980s,
helped partly by sponsorship from regional drug barons. On the one hand,
the Festival of the Vallenato Legend, instituted in 1968 and intent on
maintaining ‘purity,’ allowed contestants only the accordion, the
guacharaca and the caja. On the other, vallenato, in the hands of, for
example, Alfredo Gutiérrez, became increasingly commercial, its parochial
lyrical content replaced by more general themes of romantic love and
partying. It remained strongest in the coastal region and retained a
working-class image. Central figures included Jorge Oñate, Los Hermanos
Zuleta, Diomedes Díaz and El Binomio de Oro. The lineups became bigger,
with electric bass (playing a complex melodic line), more percussion,
keyboards and electric guitars all appearing over time. The overall feel
became much more orchestrated and smooth compared to that produced by
artists of the 1950s and 1960s, such as Alejo Durán or Leandro Díaz.
The 1980s and Early 1990s
From the 1970s, salsa made great inroads into the Colombian popular
music market, gradually reaching the interior of the country via the
Caribbean coastal ports and the Pacific port of Buenaventura. It was
played live in bars and discothèques and on the mobile sound systems typical of the Caribbean coast (Pacini Hernández 1993). Specialist radio stations emerged, as they did for vallenato. Many bands playing Costeño music -- La Sonora de Barú, for example -- added a salsa piano line to their songs or salsa pieces to their repertoire. Big-name artists such as Los Latin Brothers, Joe Arroyo and Fruko produced music mainly classifiable as salsa, but which sometimes included cumbias. Other Colombian salsa bands emerged, notably Grupo Niche and Guayacán, both led by men from the Pacific coastal region which until then had contributed relatively little to the Colombian commercial popular music scene. These and many other salsa bands were based in Cali, the Colombian ‘capital of salsa’ (Ulloa Sanmiguel 1992; Arteaga 1990), which was also overtaking Medellín as the center of the narcotics trade at this time. As with vallenato, the links between drug-trafficking and popular music are ill defined, but it is true that drug barons supported particular bands and that artists dedicated songs to them and their families. Joe Arroyo, Grupo Niche and Guayacán all contributed to a distinctive Colombian salsa style, less percussive and with little use of the descarga or extended instrumental improvisation.
Dominican merengue also had some success in this period, at first only in
the Caribbean coastal region, and became part of the repertoire of artists
playing dance music. Euro-American and Latin rock, pop and ballads -- plus
tangos, boleros and rancheras -- took the largest portion of the Colombian
market and generated a small set of home-grown rock and pop musicians and
balladeers. From the 1980s, reggae, African and rap music had some impact,
especially among the urban low-income black population of the coastal
regions and in Cali. In part, this fed into currents of black political
mobilization that started in the 1960s and grew with the 1991 Constitution,
which gave special rights to black and indigenous minorities.
Andean styles continued to command a small but significant market, and
records by artists such as Los Hermanos Martínez and Silva y Villalba
were easily purchased in the mid-1990s. Guitar-based trios and quartets
playing Mexican-derived music, pasillos and waltzes remained popular,
with stars such as Dario Gómez and Las Hermanitas Calle. This music was
often termed música de carrilera (literally, railway music) and had a
provincial image. It overlapped into guitar-based música guasca or
música carranguera (the latter named after Los Carrangueros de Ráquira,
led by Jorge Veloza), both ironic terms implying rustic origins, which,
when upbeat rhythms reminiscent of Costeño songs were included, might be
termed música parrandera (partying music). Música llanera also remained
popular, with records by Arnulfo Briceño, Reynaldo Armas and Luis Ariel
Rey easily available.
In the 1990s, the low-income market was dominated by informal bootleg
production, almost impossible to measure, but radio airtime and the
formal market indicated that tastes remained regionalized to some extent:
the Caribbean coastal region consumed more vallenato and African music,
while in Cali salsa continued to outsell other genres. Local radio
and regional television channels reflected these differences. However,
the internationalization of the economy, the growing role of
multinationals (e.g., Sony, PolyGram, BMG) and the control of large
sections of the media by two giant Colombian corporations partly
homogenized consumption patterns.
A distinctive trend of the early 1990s was the development of
Costeño music in different styles. Totó La Momposina had some international
success with ‘folkloric’ Costeño music. There was a revival of interest
in Costeño music of the 1950s and 1960s, broadcast on the airwaves and
re-released as albums; the advent of CDs spurred this process of re-release.
Compilation albums of cumbia were also released in Europe by Mango Records
and World Circuit. New cover versions were recorded, including
re-arrangements of Lucho Bermúdez hits which retained their original
flavor (Juan Carlos Coronel), rock and funk versions of old porros
(Moisés Angulo) and covers sung by groups of young models and actors,
which fitted into the new category of tropical pop.
Carlos Vives, an actor and ballad-singer, had stunning success in
‘modernizing’ old vallenato numbers. Building on a televised serial
dramatization of the life of vallenato composer Rafael Escalona,
Vives released an album, Clásicos de la Provincia (1994), which
added touches of reggae, light rock and African motifs to vallenato
songs. The album broke all records, sold to the middle classes who
had previously scorned vallenato as ‘tacky,’ and made waves in the
United States and Europe. Rock radio stations began to broadcast crossover,
mixing vallenato and other Costeño tunes with rock. In 1997, the first
festival of music from the Pacific region, held in Cali, explicitly
promoted new arrangements of traditional Afro-Colombian styles
(e.g., currulao) from this region. This encouraged a similar process of
‘modernization’ of Pacific coast music which previously had had only
limited success, for example with Peregoyo y su Combo Vacana, formed
in 1968, which included Cuban guarachas and dance band arrangements
of currulao in its repertoire.
Conclusion
The contribution of Colombia to popular music has been generally
limited to Latin America. Porro was influential in much of Latin
America and was recorded by Argentinean, Mexican and Cuban artists.
It had little impact, however, on the Latin scene in the United States,
compared to, say, the mambo or the tango. Cumbia has been more influential
in Latin America, widely listened to and covered from the 1960s through
the 1990s; it has also penetrated the European market to some extent,
figuring in contexts from airport lounges to Latin club nights. Vallenato
was almost entirely a national taste until the 1990s when, with Vives, it
experienced a sudden boom. Colombian popular music never achieved the
massive appeal of salsa or merengue, which both ‘made it’ in the US
Latin market. This may be related to the nature of the Colombian migrant
communities in the United States, which failed to impose a coherent
national style on the Latin scene there. It may also be due to the
perceived inability of porro, cumbia and the almost ballad-like vallenato
of the 1980s fully to achieve the ‘hot’ feel characteristic of salsa and
merengue and so beloved of Latin-American dancers. In general, the
Colombian popular music scene has always been both heavily regionalized
and very strongly influenced by non-Colombian styles; this has
undermined the strong identification of the nation with a single popular
musical style, such as occurred with merengue and the Dominican Republic.
Internally, popular music has received little formal support. Conservatories,
universities and the Church teach classical music and perhaps jazz;
institutes of ‘popular culture’ tend to focus on ‘folklore.’
Practitioners of popular styles may learn skills in these contexts,
but have to develop popular styles on their own and in a context
driven almost entirely by commercial motives.
Bibliography
Arteaga, José. 1990. La salsa. Bogotá: Intermedio.
Bermúdez, Egberto, et al. 1987. Música tradicional y popular colombiana. Bogotá: Procultura.
Gilard, Jacques. 1987. ‘Vallenato: ?cuál tradición narrativa?’ Huellas 19: 59--67.
Gilard, Jacques. 1993. ‘Crescencio o Don Toba? Falsos interrogantes y verdaderas respuestas sobre el vallenato.’ Huellas 37: 28--34. (First published in Cahiers du Monde Hispanique et Luso-Brésilien, Caravelle 48 (1987): 69--80.)
Pacini Hernández, Deborah. 1993. ‘The Picó Phenomenon in Cartagena, Colombia.’ América Negra 6: 69--115.
Restrepo Duque, Hernán. 1988. ‘Música popular.’ In Historia de Antioquia, ed. Jorge Orlando Melo. Medellín: Suramericana de Seguros, 527--38.
Riedel, Johannes. 1986. ‘The Ecuadorean Pasillo: “Música popular,” “Música nacional” or “Música Folklórica”?’ Latin American Music Review 7(1): 1--25.
Schwegler, Armin. 1996. ‘Chi ma nkongo’: lengua y rito ancestrales en El Palenque de San Basilio. 2 vols. Frankfurt: Vervuert Verlag.
Ulloa Sanmiguel, Alejandro. 1992. La salsa en Cali. Cali: Ediciones Universidad del Valle.
Wade, Peter. 1998. ‘Blackness, Music and National Identity: Three Moments in Colombian History.’ Popular Music 17(1): 1--19.
Discographical References
Bermúdez, Lucho. ‘Carmen de Bolívar.’ Lucho Bermúdez y su Orquesta. Sonolux CD066. ca. 1947; 1991: Colombia.
Galán, Pacho. ‘Ay Cosita Linda.’ El Rey del Merecumbé. Discos Fuentes 206230. 1955; 1990: Colombia.
La Sonora Dinamita. ‘A Mover la Colita.’ 16 Grandes Exitos. Discos Fuentes D10007. 1986; 1993: Colombia.
Rodolfo y su Típica RA7. ‘La Colegiala.’ Cumbia, Cumbia. World Circuit WCD 016. 1980; 1989: UK.
Vives, Carlos. Clásicos de la Provincia. Sonolux 01013901937. 1994: Colombia.
Discography
Angulo, Moisés. Fusión. BMG 74321238952. 1994: Colombia.
Arroyo, Joe. Grandes Exitos de Joe Arroyo y La Verdad. Discos Fuentes D10150. 1991: Colombia.
Coronel, Juan Carlos. Un Maestro, una Voz. Codiscos C9800177. 1994: Colombia.
Diomedes Díaz y Colacho Mendoza. Todo Es Para Tí. Sony 52001581. n.d.: Colombia.
Garzón y Collazos. Veinte Exitos con Garzón y Collazos. Sonolux 01 00011. n.d.: Colombia.
Grupo Niche. Grandes Exitos Originales. Codiscos C2200686. n.d.: Colombia.
Guayacán. 5 Años Aferrados Al Sabor. FM CD(19)0014. 1993: Colombia.
Gutiérrez, Alfredo. El Más Grande Del Acordeón. Codiscos C2800018. n.d.: Colombia.
Latin Brothers, The. The Black Girl. Discos Fuentes, Mango Records CIDM 1021 842393-2. 1990: UK.
Peregoyo y su Combo Vacana. Tropicalísimo. Discos Fuentes, World Circuit WCD 015. 1972; 1989: UK.
Tropical Sounds of Colombia. Discos Fuentes, Mango Records CIDM 1058 846756-2. 1990: UK.
Vallenatos de Siempre. Codiscos C2800144. 1993: Colombia.
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PETER WADE, 1997 (to be updated prior to publication) |
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